We had the opportunity to speak with Bakhodir Khan Turkiston, who is a prominent politician residing in the United States due to some political reasons , the leader of the Birdamlik People’s Democratic Party, and the sole victor among nine candidates in the Virtual Presidential Elections held on March 29, 2015. Our conversation revolved around the political situation and environment in Uzbekistan.
— Bakhodir, although you reside in the United States, you remain highly engaged with the political developments in Uzbekistan. As a politician and leader, you often voice your opinions. If you don’t mind, let’s begin our discussion by addressing the current political and economic situation in Uzbekistan. Where is Uzbekistan heading? What is its concrete position?
— Today’s Uzbekistan does not have a concrete political position. The country is dominated solely by one person — the dictator, the illegitimate president Shavkat Mirziyoyev. His political views, desires, and decisions are entirely dictated by those who brought him to power. The worst part is that under Mirziyoyev’s rule, Uzbekistan has lost what little independence it had under Islam Karimov. He has made the entire country dependent on Russia once again. This is because Shavkat Mirziyoyev was brought to power by Russia’s dictator Vladimir Putin, Russian businessman of Uzbek origin Alisher Usmanov, and Islam Karimov’s widow, Tatyana Karimova. As a result, Mirziyoyev is compelled to serve the demands of his benefactors, trampling the dignity of the Uzbek people in the process and focusing only on his personal gains.
Since Mirziyoyev does not care about the people, nearly all the officials he carefully selects and appoints also disregard the public’s welfare. They know they are accountable only to Mirziyoyev and not to the people. This is why every sector in Uzbekistan today is in decline. The country’s external debt has exceeded $62 billion. Mirziyoyev’s economic policies have dragged a population that was already struggling under Karimov into extreme poverty. The people’s hopes and resilience are being steadily eroded.
Corruption has engulfed Uzbekistan completely. The chain of corruption remains in the hands of Mirziyoyev, his family, close relatives, and friends. The principle of “divide and rule” is in full effect.
There are almost no opposition forces left in the country. The few that exist are not registered by the Ministry of Justice under various pretexts. Uzbekistan has been governed under a single-party regime, without opposition, since 1992. This factor alone signifies that the presidencies of both Karimov and Mirziyoyev since 1992 are undemocratic and illegitimate.
— It is known that after the second administration came to power, its rule was characterized as the era of the “New Uzbekistan” and the “Third Renaissance.” In your view, how accurate or misleading are such descriptions? Have these ideas justified themselves, and if not, how would you explain this?
— Every nation must have its own direction, development plan, and clear goals aimed at improving the living standards of its population. Alongside this, the people of the country must have sufficient confidence in their future. In politics, this is referred to as a political ideology or foundation—what we might call a political “bedrock” in Uzbek terms. In essence, the nation’s vision or ideology is defined by the ruling party and the incumbent leader. This ideology determines the country’s development strategy and serves as the basis for its implementation.
Unfortunately, Uzbekistan has not yet developed a concrete national ideology. While efforts were made during Karimov’s era to establish a state ideology, none of these attempts yielded results. As a result, during the first administration, Uzbekistan existed in a state of ideological void.
When Mirziyoyev came to power, the idea of a “New Uzbekistan” was introduced. However, this idea produced no tangible results during Mirziyoyev’s first five-year term. After his second unlawful election, the “Third Renaissance” initiative was launched.
Unfortunately, as this concept also failed to produce results, the country once again found itself on a path without a guiding idea or ideology. Following the unconstitutional referendum aimed at ensuring Mirziyoyev’s lifelong presidency and his subsequent third term in office, Uzbekistan continued down this path of ideological and conceptual emptiness.
In fact, for any functioning state, it is imperative to first develop and implement a national vision or ideology. The constitution must be created and adopted based on this ideology. All legislation, reforms in justice, and legal matters must be derived from a constitution rooted in this ideology. Additionally, the judiciary must be completely independent. Only after these steps are taken can a development strategy for the country be formulated. Necessary laws, decisions, and reforms can then be enacted and implemented. This aligns with my earlier response, where I stated: “Uzbekistan lacks a concrete political stance. The country is dominated by the political views of one individual—the dictator and illegitimate president Shavkat Mirziyoyev.” Let’s examine Mirziyoyev’s method of implementing reforms and managing sectors. The current president, when attempting to reform any sector, begins by issuing a resolution for its development. He then demands results from his subordinates based on this resolution. In essence, Mirziyoyev’s approach to implementing reforms is completely contrary to the principles I have outlined above. He starts from the wrong end of the process. As a result, none of his reforms yield positive outcomes; instead, they produce entirely counterproductive results, dragging progress backward rather than moving it forward. This is something we can all observe in real life. In short, we have been living in a country without a proper vision or ideology for nearly 34 years. To be more precise, we were misled by an ineffective governance system—we were deceived. Neither Karimov nor Mirziyoyev could clearly or definitively define our goals or chart a clear path for our development. Our people are now living through the pain, hardship, and bitter fate that have resulted from these failures.
In light of these shortcomings, I consider the former dictator Islam Karimov to be the Uzbek people’s greatest enemy, and the dictator Shavkat Mirziyoyev to be their second-most ruthless adversary.
— From our observations, it seems that so far, only you have advocated for uniting the fragmented opposition, both inside and outside Uzbekistan. You have proposed the idea of “setting aside all grudges, forgiving each other, and uniting,” and announced plans to establish a Coordination Center for the Opposition. What led you to this decision? Moreover, can such a fragmented opposition—or what remains of it—unite the divided people of Uzbekistan against the current corrupt government under Mirziyoyev’s rule?
— In today’s world, material wealth takes precedence over everything. Achieving financial stability plays a crucial role in every individual’s life. It is normal for ideologies and principles to be built on a foundation of material needs. People join the opposition for various reasons—some with the aim of improving their financial situation, while others are driven by the injustice and lawlessness they have personally experienced. A group of people may lose their wealth or property due to the prevailing injustices. These individuals often become opposition members with the goal of changing the system and establishing justice. Their ultimate aim is to create a fair, lawful, and democratic system in which their own material assets, as well as those of others, can be restored. Personally, I do not believe those who claim they joined the opposition purely out of genuine patriotism, altruism, or for other noble causes rather than material gain. Many hide their true intentions. That said, it is possible that for some individuals, material desires may not be their primary motivation. However, they join the opposition with the hope that a change in governance, the implementation of positive political and other reforms, the improvement of legislation, economic growth, higher wages, and ultimately a prosperous and secure life will materialize.
— Ultimately, it becomes evident that the underlying motive behind many actions is still the pursuit of material benefits and conveniences. For example, those who are living comfortably under Mirziyoyev’s regime would never join the opposition or engage in politics. They remain preoccupied with their own affairs because they have enough food to eat and adequate shelter to live in.
The goal of establishing our Opposition Coordination Center is to unite all opposition members who have been active in opposing the Karimov-Mirziyoyev regime and continue their activities to this day. We aim to bring together opposition activists who have suffered under the Karimov-Mirziyoyev regime to demand compensation for the material and moral damages they have endured. First, we will calculate the total damages they have suffered. Then, at the first available opportunity—when the Mirziyoyev regime is overthrown and a fair full system is established—we will ensure, with the support of the new government, that all victims are individually compensated for their material and moral losses.
Furthermore, considering the needs of those who newly join the opposition, we plan to provide them with housing, land plots, apartments, and vehicles free of charge. The expenses for these initiatives will be covered by confiscating the assets of Karimov-Mirziyoyev supporters and accomplices. Additionally, we aim to fairly redistribute the wealth and property of Mirziyoyev, his family, relatives, in-laws, associates, and collaborators among the population.
— In the Virtual Presidential Election held on March 29, 2015, you emerged victorious. That victory provided you with sufficient knowledge and experience to potentially run as a candidate in future real presidential elections. Despite this, why have you chosen to abandon your ambitions to come the presidential seat and instead focus your political activities on uniting the opposition?
— When I founded the Birdamlik movement on April 10, 2004, and began its activities in Uzbekistan, the leaders of the opposition parties Erk and Birlik, along with other prominent activists, opposed our initiatives instead of supporting us. They adhered to their stance for years. However, over time, we gradually overcame their resistance, though the disunity within the opposition seriously hindered the progress of our work. Today, both the Birlik and Erk parties are in a near-paralyzed state.
It has been over 20 years since I left Uzbekistan. If I were to focus solely on my political ambitions and fight against the Mirziyoyev regime on my own, my efforts could take another decade to bear fruit. During this time, Mirziyoyev would further worsen the lives of the Uzbek people. Therefore, I intend to direct my primary efforts toward ensuring Mirziyoyev’s removal from power.
I will support whichever opposition leader and organization the people favor the most. At the same time, I plan to rally all opposition activists to support one single leader and one unified opposition party. This approach will serve us in every way necessary to overthrow Mirziyoyev’s government.
— During the Karimov era, the Birdamlik People’s Democratic Party, which you founded, was active in the political arena. Unfortunately, today the party is silent. In general, what can you say about the fate of the Birdamlik Party? Will the party return to the political scene?
— The decline in the activity of the Birdamlik People’s Democratic Party in the opposition is primarily due to the decrease in our financial capabilities. As you know, we fought as much as we could against the former dictator Islam Karimov. After Karimov’s death on September 2, 2016, and the presidential elections held on December 4, 2016, I faced a series of economic challenges in the United States related to my business activities. The West, instead of trusting opposition figures like us, chose to support Mirziyoyev and gave him great praise, believing him to be a major reformer. Western countries, especially the U.S. government, turned a blind eye to Mirziyoyev’s illegal election. As a result, no one wanted to hear our voices as opposition. However, starting from September 8, 2016, we began to criticize Mirziyoyev substantively. I personally financed the activities of Birdamlik.
I always tried to improve my financial situation, and in some sense, I succeeded. In 2018, we tried to hold a Birdamlik congress in Uzbekistan. However, Uzbek security services, acting on direct orders from Mirziyoyev, prevented us from holding the congress in Uzbekistan. After that, we decided to hold the congress on November 15, 2018, in the city of Shymkent, Kazakhstan. But Kazakhstan’s security forces, following the demands of their Uzbek counterparts, also denied us the opportunity to hold the congress. My attempts to travel from the U.S. to Kyrgyzstan and then enter Shymkent through Bishkek were unsuccessful. Kazakhstan’s Border Guard Service did not allow me into the country and sent me back. Eventually, we were forced to hold the Birdamlik congress online.
We were financially weak and lacked the necessary resources for propaganda and outreach. We had a great need for a strong media platform. Ozodlik, Voice of America, and BBC Uz were not impartial toward us; their bias prevented us from presenting our activities to the public effectively. They did not support new opposition figures at all. I have been reaching out to them since 2005. From February 2006 onward, we began demanding that they provide impartial coverage of all opposition activities, including that of Birdamlik. However, they, on the contrary, tried to undermine me personally and the activities of Birdamlik through their programs. From 2006 to 2019, opposition figures repeatedly complained about their biased activities. In March 2006, in response to their unfair activities, I held a five-day hunger strike in Washington with my family. When there was no change, in August 2009, I held a six-day hunger strike with Birdamlik activists in Washington. When there was still no result, in October-November 2019, I declared a 31-day hunger strike in Washington alone. After failing to achieve any results, on the 32nd day, I sewed my mouth shut and switched to a dry hunger strike. After that, my demands began to be taken seriously. However, later that evening, the police forcibly arrested me and took me to a psychiatric facility in Washington, where I stayed for several days. They removed the stitches from my mouth, and while in the facility, I was subjected to pressure and torture, and I was beaten. After leaving the psychiatric facility, I went to join my family in Sweden. After staying there for two months, I returned to the U.S. and continued my truck driving job. During this time, I worked on rebuilding myself and strengthening Birdamlik’s activities. However, I realized that I had been under surveillance by an unknown “Black Organization” in the U.S. since 2013. I was detained four times in the U.S. due to my political activities—once in Florida, twice in Washington, and once in Missouri. I was also once imprisoned in a psychiatric facility. My business was destroyed four times, and I came close to bankruptcy four times. Additionally, due to my political activities, I was forced to separate from my wife, who came to the U.S. with me on February 25, 2005, and my four children. I also became estranged from my six brothers and their families, who had come to the U.S. All of my relatives who used to stay in touch with me in the U.S. were cut off. The Uzbek government, with the help of the U.S.-based “Black Organization,” carried out any low tactics to discredit and isolate me, but they could not break my spirit or determination. The most painful thing is that the “Black Organization” subjected me to even more suffering than the Uzbek security forces did. In February 2017, I remarried, and I now have two children. This new family has become my joy and support. Without them, my situation would have been very difficult.
Once the Mirziyoyev regime ends and a normal political situation arises in Uzbekistan, political reforms begin, and when it becomes normal to register political parties with the Ministry of Justice, we will hold the next congress of our party and register it in Uzbekistan. We will also participate in parliamentary and presidential elections with our own candidates.
— Since entering the political arena, you have been concerned about the unity of Turkistan, even changing your name to Turkiston. Tell me, does the current government of Uzbekistan sincerely want the unification of Turkic peoples? Is this government capable of truly supporting the activities of the Turkic-speaking countries organization?
— Like every ordinary person who considers themselves part of the Turkic people, I also wish for Turkistan to be our common home. I have been in politics for 25 years. To achieve the unity of Turkistan, we must first bring the peoples of the Turkistan region closer in cultural, educational, sports, economic, and other areas. One day, we will definitely unite all the countries living in the region under the flag of the Turkic peoples. I believe this day will come. However, since the current government is under the control of Putin, it cannot contribute to the development of the Turkic-speaking countries organization in any way.
— Thank you for your sincere conversation, Bakhodir. I sincerely wish that your dreams and plans come true. I believe that if you work hard, you will definitely achieve the goals you set before you. You have been tempered in struggles, beaten, kicked, and fallen, but despite all of that, you never left politics. You got back up and chose politics again. This means that you were born for politics.
Interlocutor Ruziboy Azimiy